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A lot of research has been done on historical CS with English cf. Also the recent work in the history of German language deals with CS in written sources, particularly where Latin material is inserted into German sentences. Stolt Apart from that, German-Latin CS has been investigated in the work of the linguist Schotellius 17 th century cf.

McLelland and of Notker the German cf. Glaser , in sermons cf. German-Latin code-switching can also be observed in scientific texts, especially in medical ones, in the vitae of saints, as well as in literature, including drama, verse and songs etc. As a rule, the Latin material is structured like islands which consist minimally of a noun with its Latin inflection, but frequently constitute a more complex nominal phrase. In all these examples, the matrix language is German; Latin elements are inserted into the grammatical frame of German.

Despite the fact that scientists underline the necessity to explore language contact and thus an important part of language history as a basis for language change cf. Very interesting material can be found in written documents from historical multilingual cities and other communities, in particular from urban centres of the Habsburg Empire in the 19 th century.

As a corpus for the investigation German, Polish and Ukrainian newspaper texts were used, published in Lviv during the 19 th century. My paper focuses particularly on code-switching as one of the possible outcomes of contact between two or more languages, which often coexists and overlaps with other outcomes. I attempt to outline some criteria of how CS can be distinguished from other types of multilingual performance in written sources. Like in most other urban centres of the Habsburg Empire, the linguistic situation in Lviv during the 19 th century stands out due to the great variety of different nationalities and their languages being in close contact with each other: Poles, Jews, Ukrainians, Germans, Armenians, Czechs etc.

Edited By Lars Bülow, Ann Kathrin Fischer and Kristina Herbert

For the characterisation of the ethnic structure of the population in Lviv two criteria are important: language and religion. However, there is not always a one-to-one relationship between these two criteria. In , This multilingual situation in Lviv led to close contact between the respective languages, especially between German, Polish, Ukrainian, and Yiddish.

These language contacts left their traces in numerous multilingual practices of communication, on which my paper focuses. Since Maria Theresia had come to power in , the Austrian government continuously passed laws regulating language use in the domains of school, administration and the judiciary.

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Their main goal was to establish German as the state language. For Lviv, which became part of the Habsburg Monarchy after , this policy meant the germanisation of the most important domains of public life. As a result, German reached a stable dominance in the public live in Lviv in the first half of the 19 th century. The non-German nationalities living in the Habsburg Monarchy no longer accepted the dominant role of German. They tried to gain more political rights for their own languages.

The Habsburg administration attempted to regulate the asymmetric relationship between the different ethnic groups by granting them linguistic and societal equality. The principle of language equality was formulated first in the Bohemian Charter of After the defeat of the civil revolution, the politics of Neo-Absolutism followed; consequently during the s language rights were wiped off the political agenda of the Habsburg government.

The key step in regulating national and language rights was reached in with the Austrian Constitution. Nevertheless, this act of law could not prevent the real asymmetries between the different languages as well as the ethnic groups involved. After , the sociolinguistic development in Lviv was characterised by the increasing dominance of the Polish language.

At the same time, German lost its prestige in Lviv, whereas Ukrainian gained more rights. Complete equality between the Ukrainian and the Polish language, however, could not be reached until the end of the Habsburg period. Besides, Yiddish was not recognised as an independent language at all. In the late 19 th and in the early 20 th century, we can observe significant prestige differences regarding the societal status of contact languages in Lviv; a lot of language conflicts manifested themselves in different ways as we can observe in written texts as well as in media discourses of that time cf.

Ptashnyk In the context of multilingualism, languages and varieties are involved in the process of language contact, which can be described in the following way:. Language contact arises from the direct or indirect social interaction of the speakers, influenced by the units of the communicative act and its sociocultural context. Influenced by each other, the contact languages can be regarded as flexible entities in motion, able to change and able to be changed.

The best visible contact phenomena are lexical loanwords or borrowings. In 19 th century Galicia, we can find borrowings in all contact languages. A number of German loanwords can be found in Polish as well as in Ukrainian. German was only to a small extent a recipient language as well. In this paper it is not possible to describe all the borrowing processes during the 19 th century in detail.

The following examples show German loanwords incorporated into Ukrainian cf. Thomas ; Besters-Dilger :. Wer da?

Thomas ; Besters-Dilger As we can see, the Ukrainian terms were literally translated following the German terms word-for-word or root-for-root. Such examples evidently show that lexical transfer borrowings does not necessarily lead to a stable language change: Not being incorporated into the standard language, most of the loanwords mentioned disappeared in the early 20 th century. Which contact phenomena can be established as a long-time influence on the recipient language and which of them are only effective in the medium term depends on various factors, among others on the sociohistorical context, on the language policy and on the prestige of the languages involved.

In my opinion, it is no coincidence that German, which had a very high prestige in Galicia in the 19 th century, was the main donor language. Analysing the bilingual strategies used, one has to find criteria of how to classify them and how to distinguish them from each other. First of all, we can observe different types of code-switching, alternational as well as insertional mixing.

The Hebrew insert is embedded into the German sentence-matrix. This kind of CS could be termed as minimal insertion. This polemic text deals with the issue of Ukrainian as the language of instruction being undermined by Polish in Galician schools. Furthermore, there are also examples for alternational code-switching between two languages, where the switch comprises two sentences in juxtaposition. Tygodnik Lwowski, , no. Another very popular multilingual practice in the newspapers from the 19 th century is the use of two or more languages for small text units printed next to each other. It promotes a mineral spring sanatorium Heilbrunnen-Anstalt which offers its services with a certain discount.

So here we are dealing with a multilingual practice that can be clearly distinguished from CS because there is no switch within the text.

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Next to the original text, we have its German translation, since German, being the main language of the newspaper, was probably better understood by its readers. They are printed side by side within the same article, and this is a feature which is constitutive for the definition of code-switching. At the same time, we clearly recognise the difference of this case and its typography: both parts are written in separate columns.

How should such multilingual practices be categorised? Are we dealing with a form of code-switching in this case or is it a different phenomenon? In my opinion, the last example differs from the typical cases of code-switching: The language shift occurs within a text; however, it consists of two smaller or bigger text parts in different languages which contain exactly the same information. For this reason, we should distinguish this type of written bilingual practice from regular code-switching, even if some similarities are present such as the juxtaposition of two languages, language switch within the same text etc.

In contrast, the main body of the newspaper consist mainly of Yiddish texts.

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The ordinal number zweite should be correctly used with the definite article die. In addition, we find the Polish phrase zgromadzenie der Rada powiatowa meeting of the District Council in the German text; we may presume that the speaker does not know the corresponding German designations. The author of the article made use of this kind of language mixing for stylistic purposes: The faulty expressions sound inept, even ridiculous. At the same time, the protagonist is depicted as claiming to be well informed, educated and progressive.

Projected onto political conditions, this language mixing can be seen as a stylistic device that includes an anti-semitic component. Of course, the development from mixing to fusion should be described by means of more sources which would allow us to reconstruct the conventionalisation of mixing patterns. Similar mixing phenomena can also be observed in other texts from Galicia in the 19 th century, not only in newspapers, but also in plays and in literary works cf.

Hofeneder , and they are very often used for stylistic purposes. For example, mixing Polish vocabulary into spoken Ukrainian marks protagonists who are striving for more success and social prestige. Polish-German-Yiddish language mixtures are characteristic of the behaviour of Jewish protagonists, and German-Polish-Ukrainian interferences are a characteristic feature of the military jargon. Language contact and contact-induced changes such as borrowings, loanwords, transfers etc.

Such material allows us to investigate multilingual practices as social phenomena and to explore special features of the communication in multilingual societies. This could be helpful for a better understanding of the social structure of the given multilingual community, and of the political and social relationships between different speech communities and their members.

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As we could see, the functions of the multilingual practices can vary greatly: Regarded as activities situated in a social setting, the phenomena of language contact reveal the relation between different linguistic groups within a society. We gain some information about the prestige of languages in a given society as well as about attitudes towards individual languages.

For example, a language with high prestige is often a very influential donor language for borrowings. Also code-switching patterns reflect different social roles and functions as an index of interethnic relationships. On the other hand, we could observe other practices of multilingualism when quotations and translations were used within a text.

They should be distinguished from CS even if they share some common features. More precise criteria for the distinction between code-switching and other similar multilingual practices should be elaborated for research into historical code-switching. The multilingual practices and patterns described here are often text-type related. Due to lack of space, we left some questions unanswered, for example: How can we explore the socio-cultural embedding of mixed language texts?

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