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Christian Galvez.

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Felisberto Hernandez. Sabri Louatah. Deborah Harkness. Lincoln Child and Douglas Preston. Julian Fellowes. Ricardo Piglia. Igor Bergler. Rebeca Tabales. Related Articles. Looking for More Great Reads? Download our Spring Fiction Sampler Now. Y entonces, yo creo que es el gran enemigo de la democracia, es el gran enemigo de la libertad, una fuente de racismo terrible, el nacionalismo. Si uno cree que el nacer en, o formar parte de, una comunidad es un privilegio, pues eso es el racismo. Ya el Brexit fue algo muy peligroso. MVLL: Solucionar definitivamente los conflictos, eso no.

No ocurre nunca, los conflictos digamos se superan pero quedan rastros siempre que pueden rebrotar luego. Si, seguramente, el problema va a continuar mucho tiempo. MVLL: Si, si. Pero hay una tendencia muy importante. Que crean un gobierno que pueda operar, que sea operativo. Estoy empezando una novela, un proyecto de novela. Espero poder morirme con la pluma en la mano. MVLL: Exactamente.

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Sin ninguna duda. El Brexit a mi me produjo, no se puede imaginar un verdadero trauma. Fue una experiencia muy interesante. Me parece muy positivo. MVLL: No, yo creo que he conseguido algo que yo me propuse bastante joven. Que era ser un ciudadano del mundo. Donde estoy, siempre que pueda escribir me siento en casa. Join them. Subscribe to The Economist today. Modernista vitality, however, was not endless; the combination of modernity and Catalan nationalism was unstable and could not last. By the ideological basis of the movement had been diluted and taken over by political concerns and its aims were no longer clear.

However, form the political rearrangement that followed there emerged Noucentisme , the very first cultural movement to become part of the political party in charge: la Lliga. It was the Noucentistes who provided the three fundamental pillars for Catalan culture:. It is interesting to note, however, that as stated by A.

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Thus, when the Second Republic was declared in the same group of Catalan intellectuals, some Noucentistes and their successors, the Catalan republicans, took charge of the recovery of sovereignty. However, even though the Second Republic was considered as an opportunity for united prosperity and even though it could not create a stable government given the clear areas of difference between Catalan republicans and republicans from elsewhere , it nevertheless provided a fertile ground for the recovery and consolidation of Catalan letters which during those years saw a great resurgence, being duly promoted and recognised abroad.

All this background information allows us to evaluate the difference of the impact that the banning of the natural language had in , and, finally in It will also help explain the reluctance with which Catalan writers responded to such an imposition and the strength and determination to preserve their national identity, with or without their natural language, against all odds, in the fervent hope that the day would come when their attempts to preserve and defend it would prove triumphant.

Indeed, by repressing the Catalan language, it was his aim to perpetrate cultural genocide against Catalonia, the idea being brutal in its simplicity: if a nation has a soul and the organ of expression of such soul is its language, by eliminating the language you effectively kill the nation.

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The imposition of Spanish as the only official language meant the erosion of difference; and the Catalans perceived it as a direct threat to their collective conscience. In addition, the instinct of self-preservation discouraged any Catalano-Spanish contacts for the best part of the period during which censorship was at its height. While the Spanish Civil War lasted, there was a good rapport between Catalan writers and Republican writers from the rest of Spain.

At least from a political point of view. The offshoot of this rapprochement was a qualitative change in intellectual relations. One has to bear in mind, for instance, that in Catalan difference was at its height.

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That year saw Barcelona host the first International P. Congress to be celebrated in Spain. This association later organised meetings with similar associations in the rest of Spain, creating a real sense of institutional co-operation between intellectuals. They also attended general meetings in Madrid, Valencia and Barcelona with representatives of the International Solidarity association. Possibly Vicente Salas Viu , the tone of which is in itself revealing:.

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However, these harmonious intellectual relationships tended to get fraught whenever Catalan nationalism came into the picture. On 28 January and reflecting how the new establishment regarded its taking of power in Catalonia, Diego. Collado wrote:. The effects of the banning of the Catalan language and the repression of Catalan culture which followed have often been compared to However, during the Second Republic Catalan letters had experienced a great boom and the repression of a strong culture, capable of producing works of European standing, was no easy task and would have required a more assiduous political and economic effort than the Central Government could possibly afford or sustain.

In the first years of the Dictatorship there were no publications in Catalan at all. In fact, as Hina has illustrated p. This time, however, efforts at intellectual and artistic rapprochement were redoubled for fear of another major crisis which, like that of , could again be blamed on irrational hatred. In those very first years, however, all of those who had found themselves on the losing side had to give priority to reconstruction of their own personal livelihoods.